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Gadaa System: What is Gada System?

Gada system is an ancient and complex form of African democracy which is traditionally based on generation sets that alternate power every eight years. One full Gada cycle lasts 40 years. Gada is a uniquely democratic political as well as a social institution that governs the life of individuals in Oromo society from birth to death.

One highly developed self-sufficient system which has influenced every aspect of Oromo life is the Gadaa system. It is a system that organizes the Oromo society into groups or sets (about 7-11) that assume different responsibilities in the society every eight years. It has guided the religious, social, political, and economic life of Oromo for many years, as also their philosophy, art, history, and method of time-keeping.

The activities and life of each and every member of the society are guided by Gadaa. It is the law of the society, a system by which Oromo administer, defend their territory and rights, maintain and guard their economy, and through which all their aspirations are fulfilled.

The Gadaa system has served as the basis of a democratic and egalitarian political system. Under it the power to administer the affairs of the nation and the power to make laws belong to the people. Every male member of the society who is of age and of Gadaa grade has full rights to elect and to be elected. All the people have the right to air their views in any public gathering without fear. Gadaa (Oromo: Gadaa: spelling: Gadaa; literally: era) is the indigenous democratic system of governance used by the Oromos in Ethiopia and northern Kenya. It is also practiced by the Konso and Gedeo people of southern Ethiopia. The system regulates the political, economic, social, and religious activities of the community.

Under Gadaa, every eight years, the Oromo would choose by consensus nine leaders known as Salgan ya’ii Borana (the nine Borana assemblies).^[5]^[6] A leader elected by the gadaa system remains in power only for 8 years, with an election taking place at the end of those 8 years.^[7]^[8]^[9] Whenever an Abbaa Gadaa dies while exercising his functions, the bokkuu (the symbol of power) passes to his wife and she keeps the bokkuu and proclaims the laws.^[10]

The Gada system has been inscribed by UNESCO as an Intangible Cultural Heritage since 2016.^[11] It is the brainchild of Oromo from the Madda Walabu district of Oromia.^[12]^[13] Oromo people regarded the system as their common heritage and as a major part of their cultural identity.^[14] It is the system with which the Oromo people have been governing themselves in a democratic way for centuries.^[15]^[16]. The Oromo governed themselves in accordance with the Gadaa system long before the 16th century when major three-part wars commenced between them and the Christian kingdom to their north and Islamic sultanates to their east and south. The result was that Oromo absorbed the Christian and Islam religions. The Borana and Guji groups near the Ethiopian-Kenyan border were able to practice Gadaa without interruption. In the state of Oromia under the Federal system of Ethiopia, the Gadaa system started a renaissance across Oromia. In 2015, the Gadaa Center at Odaa Bultum was inaugurated and in 2018, the Gadaa Center at Odaa Hullee was reinstalled after two centuries of interruption.^[17]^[18] In 2019, Bule Hora University launched a master’s degree program in Gadaa studies.^[19]

As matter of fact, there are democratic institutions indigenous to Africa. Much is unknown about these institutions and Africa is often portrayed as undemocratic, a representation reinforced by a widespread democratic deficit on the continent. However, history reveals that this depiction of Africa – a universalized “undemocratic Africa” – is grossly misleading. There were, and still are, democratic institutions that are ruptured by repressive regimes. The Gadaa System is an exemplary indigenous democracy, recognized by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) as an “Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity” in 2016.[1]

In this world, where power relations are unjustly constructed and perpetuated through discursive mystification and epistemic violence, scholars must engage in demystification and counteractive epistemology. According to many historians, Gadaa System is an indigenous democratic institution – also referred to as the “unwritten constitution” – of the Oromo people. The Oromo are the largest nation in Ethiopia and constitute about 40 percent of the country’s population, [2] as well as a significant population in the rest of the Horn of Africa, mainly in northern Kenya. Although little is known about the time and mechanism of its emergence, it was operating as “a full-fledged system at the beginning of the sixteenth century” (Jalata 2012, 131). Asmara Legesse, an African anthropologist of Eritrean origin, in his book entitled Oromo Democracy: An Indigenous African Political System (2000) states, “Oromo people created Gada[a], and Gada[a] created the Oromo nation” (Legesse 2000, 116, italics in original). [3]

Legesse argues that “[Gadaa] contains genuinely African solutions for some of the problems that democracies everywhere have had to face” (2000, 195). Gadaa has an inbuilt structure that facilitates checks and balances among different branches of government. It vests the ultimate authority of making and revising laws in the General Assembly called Gumii or Caffee (Figure 1), to which the executive branch, constituted of elected Gadaa leaders (abbootii gadaa) is accountable (Legesse 2000).

The term ‘Gadaa’ has three distinct but interrelated meanings:

It designates an institution of governance, with a complex set of structures, rules, and regulations, i.e., the gadaa

It refers to one of the gadaa grades during which a class of people assumes political and ritual leadership.

It is the period or era denoting the duration of time Gadaa leaders are expected to stay in power.

The defection of the term Gadaa as an institution has encompassed the other narrower meanings. The Gadaa System is composed of gadaa grades, although their number and names vary in different parts of Oromia. All Oromo males belong to one grade or the other, depending on their age, and are expected to undertake the commensurate societal responsibility. According to Legesse (2000), whose research is mainly based in the Borana area, the grades include Dabballee (liminal childhood) of age 0-8, Gaammee Didiqqoo (Junior Gamme) of age 8-16, Gaammee Guguddoo (Senior Gamme) of age 16-24, Kuusa (Junior Warriors) of age 24-32, Raaba (Senior Warriors) of age 32-45 [4], Gadaa (Rulers) of age 45-53, Yuuba 1-4 (partial retirement) of age 53-80, and Gadamoojjii (liminal elderly) of age 80 and above. Leggesse (2000) ends the Gadamoojjii grade at age 88 and adds another grade called Jaarsa (old) of age 88 and above. Legesse goes on to define the Gadaa System as “a system of generation classes that succeed each other every eight years in assuming political, military, judicial, legislative and ritual responsibilities” (Legesse 2000, 104). This definition indicates the multi-faceted functions of the institution and its democratic nature of power transfer “every eight years.” The Gadaa System plays a key role in regulating the various dimensions of life, which could be broadly categorized as governing people-environment relations, as it sets the normative standards for utilizing and caring for the natural environment. It serves the purpose of actively monitoring and resolving resource conflicts, and people-people relations, as it sets the rules and regulations for administrative, socio-political, and economic affairs.

Figure 1: Traditionally, the General Assembly (Gumii/Caffee) takes place under a sacred tree called Odaa.

Historically, the Gadaa System was central to the political, social, cultural, and economic life of the Oromo people. After their incorporation into the current territory of Ethiopia in the late 19^th century, all practices related to the Gadaa System were banned, and were no longer permitted to openly govern the people. This, of course, led to the decline in the practical significance of the institution. However, it has remained a core symbol of identity and collective memory among the people. Despite external pressures, the Oromo people have maintained the cultural viability of the Gadaa System in some parts of Oromia, most notably in southern Ethiopia. Even when and where it was not practiced, it served as a potent source of inspiration and mobilization in the over half a century of struggle for restorative justice, self-rule, and democracy.

Despite external pressures, the Oromo people have maintained the cultural viability of the Gadaa System in some parts of Oromia, most notably in southern Ethiopia. Even when and where it was not practiced, it served as a potent source of inspiration and mobilization in the over half a century of struggle for restorative justice, self-rule, and democracy.

In a context of authoritarian political culture, which the Oromo and the other people of Ethiopia have experienced since their incorporation by expansionist Abyssinian forces led by Menelik II, the Gadaa System invokes, especially among the Oromo people, a memory of democratic heritage at its mention. This is captured by the people’s saying, “Dimokrasiin nuuf aadaadha malee haaraa miti,” meaning “democracy is not new for us; it is rather our culture.” This discursive counteraction is often used by the Oromo people in contexts where democracy is portrayed as new to the people and as a way of reclaiming one’s old civilization.

Gadaa System and accountability.

Current developments have inspired rethinking and debate around the possibility and implications of wider application of the Gadaa principles to the modern polity. These debates often evoke the values and principles of the Gadaa System, including egalitarian principles; broad-based participation, and intergenerational equity; age-sets based, a structured way of training and preparation for leadership roles in the society; and accountability structures and functions, which are promoted through the non-hierarchical organization of the society.

Ethiopia has long been ruled by dictatorial regimes and the promises of democracy, peace, and development have remained unrealized. The unilateral decision of the ruling party to indefinitely postpone last year’s parliamentary elections, which were supposed to be held before the end of August 2020, citing COVID-19 as a reason, evoked the danger of possible perpetuation of dictatorship in the country. The elections were held in June 2021 in some regions – suspended in others – in a context of all-out war in Tigray and low-intensity wars in many parts of the country, notably in Oromia and Benishangul-Gumuz. While there is no space to describe the process and the outcome of the elections here, it is worth noting that the ruling party excluded prominent political parties and figures, earning a reputation for sham elections, and marking an alarming milestone in a failed transition to democracy.

Therefore, the contemporary significance of the Gadaa System is rooted in these historical and contemporary realities. Beyond the people’s adoration for the system as their cultural emblem, the functional promise of the institution in a land plagued by consecutive authoritarian regimes, where the peaceful transition of power has never been the case, cannot be overemphasized. One of the cross-cutting issues in the quest for peace, democracy, and development is accountability. The Gadaa System has features that reflect its commitment to the notion and practice of accountability.

The most important accountability promise of the Gadaa System is embedded in its structural formation. The system is constituted of four institutions, responsible for different aspects of societal governance. These include the rulers (Gadaa), the warriors (Hariyyaa), the electors and the ritual leaders (Qaalluu), and the General Assembly (Gumii) (Legesse 2000).[5] Legesse (2000) states that Gumii “gives structural substance to the notion that power rests ultimately with the people – a right they exercise by direct participation or by delegating power to five groups of Gada[a] leaders” (p. 100). This reflects a notion of “checks and balances” in contemporary democracies.

In an organizational chart, Legesse (2000, 108) places Gumii at the top of the structure, with ultimate decision-making power, and juxtaposes Gadaa and Qaalluu at the same level but with different duties and responsibilities. The Abbaa Gadaa (the Gadaa Leader) cannot stay in power for more than eight years, and political power is transferred democratically and peacefully, through elections. While the office of Gadaa is held through elections and has a fixed term limit of eight years, that of the Qaalluu is hereditary and has no term limit. The two institutions signify the separation of political and ritual domains. Qaalluus are involved in elections for political office, but they cannot hold such an office. While the Gadaa leaders are engaged in making decisions (mura), the ritual leaders are engaged in ritual practices, such as blessings (eebba).

Of particular relevance to the notion of accountability is that the Gadaa System gives authority to the National Assembly (Gumii or Caffee). According to Legesse, Gumii “is made up of all the Gada[a] assemblies of the Oromo, who meet once every eight years, to review the laws, to proclaim new laws, to evaluate men in power, and to resolve major conflicts that could not be resolved at lower levels of their judicial organization” (2000, 100). The Gumii has the authority to remove Gadaa leaders from office if they are found to be unfit for leadership upon evaluation. This feature, which mirrors impeachment in modern-day democracy, is believed to check the tendency of power abuse and avoid the consequences of leadership incompetence.

Accountability, enacted through “confession” and “impeachment (buqqisuu),” is a key principle of the Gadaa System (Legesse 2000).

Accountability, enacted through “confession” and “impeachment (buqqisuu),” is a key principle of the Gadaa System (Legesse 2000). This principle requires that “the Luba [the office of the Gadaa leaders] in power appears before the Gumii and let the people judge how well they have conducted themselves as leaders. If their leadership was inadequate, the National Assembly will remove them from office or penalize them in other ways, such as barring them and all their descendants from holding the same office” (2000, 202).

In Borana, the leaders in power are evaluated by the immediate younger and four of the older Gadaa classes. The evaluation takes around the middle of the term of power and may lead to buqqisuu (uprooting) and replacement with other leaders, other forms of punishment, or forgiveness following the confession and pledge of the leader(s) to make necessary amendments during the second half of the term. This is a well-established mechanism of ensuring accountability of elected leaders to the people and works in tandem with the other Gadaa principles, most notably that of “the laws that stand above all men” (Legesse 2000, 198).

Some accounts of the Gadaa System point out that the institution excludes women. In my view, this is a valid critique that needs to be addressed through the inclusion of women into the Gadaa cycle, with equal rights with their male counterparts in every Gadaa grade as appropriate. To be fair, however, it should be recognized that the institution was practiced among the Oromo over 130 years ago. All Gadaa practices were rendered illegal in the late 19^th century during Menelik’s expansion. Banning the Gadaa System meant denying it the opportunity to adapt itself to transformations in global and local worldviews and norms. It created a rupture in the development of Oromo nationhood, which has reemerged through the persistent struggle for over half a century in a semi-organized and organized manner (Bulcha 2016). Any attempt to explore the relevance and application of Gadaa to our current circumstances should recognize the rich values of the system but should not take it as a “blueprint” (Legesse 2000).

Although it should not be an excuse for their exclusion from the Gadaa System, Oromo women have an institution called siiqqee or siinqee (as called in different parts of Oromia), which is particularly devoted to the protection of women’s rights. In her article titled “The Siiqqee Institution of Oromo Women,” Kuwee Kumsa (1997, 119) argues that this institution “functioned hand in hand with the Gadaa system as one of its built-in mechanisms of checks and balances.” Jalata also states, “if the balance between men and women was broken, a siiqqee rebellion was initiated to restore the law of God [Waaqa] and the moral and ethical order of society” (2012, 136).

There is a brief description of how the Gadaa system work, and two well-defined ways of classifying male members of the society, that is the hiriyya (members of an age-set all born within the period of one Gadaa rule of eight years) and Gadaa grade. The Gadaa grades (stages of development through which a Gadaa class passes) differ in number (7-11) and name in different parts of Oromia although the functions are the same. The following are the Gadaa grades: –

I. Dabballee (0-8 years of age)

II. Folle or Gamme Titiqaa (8-16 years of age)

III. Qondaala or Gamme Gurgudaa (16-24 years of age)

IV. Kuusa (24-32 years of age)

V. Raaba Doorii (32-40 years of age)

VI. Gadaa (40-48 years of age)

VII. Yuba I (48-56 years of age)

VIII. Yuba II (56-64 years of age)

IX. Yuba III (64-72 years of age)

X. Gadamojjii (72-80 years of age)

We will briefly describe the duties of a Gadaa class as it passes through the above grades.

The Dabballee are sons of the Gadaa class who are in power, the Luba. They are boys up to 8 years of age. Thus, this is a stage of childhood. Upon reaching their eighth year, they enter the Folle grade. At this age, they are allowed to go further away from their villages and perform light work.

XI. Jaarsa (80 and above years of age)

Horsemen in TouramentAt 16 years old, they enter the Qondaala. They may now go long distances to hunt and perform heavy work. Three years before the Qondaala ends, those of the Gadaa class come together and nominate the future group leaders (hayyuu council) who eventually will constitute its presidium and thereby the executive, judicial and ritual authorities. The final election is preceded by an often-lengthy campaign of negotiations. After nomination, the candidates tour the region accompanied by their supporters to win the backing of the people before the election, The individuals will be elected on the basis of wisdom, bravery, health, and physical fitness.

In the Kuusa grade, the previously elected leaders are formally installed in office, although they do not yet assume full authority except in their own group. This is one of the most important events in the life of the individual and the Gadaa system overall. In the next grade, Raaba Doorii, members are allowed to marry. This and the Kuusa grade constitute a period of preparation for the assumption of full authority. At the end of this period the class members enter Luba or Gadaa, the most important class of the whole system, attain full status and take up their position as the ruling Gadaa class. At this stage, the system comes to a stop momentarily and all men move to the proceeding class vacating the last class which is immediately occupied by a new class of youth who thus begin their ascent of the system’s ladder.

The former ruling class, the Luba, now becomes Yuba. The Yubas, after passing through three separate eight-year periods, are transferred to the Gadamojjii class. Then they enter the final grade called Jaarsa and retire completely.

As described briefly above, when the Oromo man passes from one stage to the next, his duties and way of life in social change. For instance, during the grades of Qondaala, Kuusa, and Raaba Doorii, the individuals learn war tactics, Oromo history, politics, ritual, law, and administration over a period of 24 years. When they enter the Gadaa class or Luba at the age of about 40 years, they have already acquired all the necessary knowledge to handle the responsibility of administering the country and the celebration of rituals. It ends with partial retirement of the whole, group of elders to an advisory and judiciary capacity.

The following are the Gadaa officials and their duties according to the Tuullama Gadaa practice:

1. Abbaa Bokku – President

2. Abbaa Bokku – First Vice-President

3. Abbaa Bokku – Second Vice-President

4. Abbaa Chaffe – Chairman of the Assembly (Chaffe)

5. Abbaa Dubbi – Speaker who presents the decision of the presidium to the Assembly

6. Abbaa Seera – Memoriser of the laws and the results of the Assembly’s deliberations.

7. Abbaa Alanga – Judge who executes the decision

8. Abbaa Duula – In charge of the army

9. Abbaa Sa’a – In charge of the economy

Thus, the entire presidium consists of nine members, called “Salgan Yaa’ii Borana” (nine of the Borana assembly). The Abbaa Bokkus are the chief officials. (Bokku is a wooden or metal scepter, a sign of authority kept by the Abbaa Bokku, the president). The Abbaa Bokkus have counselors and assistants called Hayyus who are delegated from the lower assemblies.

OdaaThere are three levels of assembly – inter-clan, clan, and local chaffes, chaffe being the Oromo version of parliament. The chaffe assembly was held in the open air in a meadow under the odaa (sycamore) tree. The chaffe made and declared common laws and was the source of the accumulated legal knowledge and customs. In the hierarchy of Gadaa chaffes, the assembly of the entire presidium of the ruling – Gadaa Class – is the highest body whose decision is final. It is the assembly at which representatives of the entire population come together, at predetermined times, to evaluate among other things, the work of those in power. If those in power have failed to accomplish what is expected of them, the assembly has the power to replace them with another group elected from among the same Gadaa class or Luba. And this was one of the methods of checking and balancing political power in the Oromo society. The second highest Gadaa assembly is the clan chaffe. It is from these assemblies that special delegates to the higher assembly are elected. The lowest Gadaa chaffe is the local chaffe. This is made up of local members of the Luba from among whom representatives to clan chaffes are elected.

The holders of these responsible posts can remain in office for eight years only, in normal times, and are then replaced by a new group of officers. The power is handed over at a special ceremony at a special place and time. The office-holders conducted government – political, economic, social, ritual, and military – affairs of the entire nation for this period. During wartime, all capable men fight under the leadership of the group in office. During the eight-year period the officials live together in a village (yaa’aa village) and when necessary, travel together.

There are five Gadaas in a cycle of 40 years. If a man enters office (becomes Luba) now, his sons will become Luba 40 years from now. The five Gadaa (sometimes called Buttaa) in the cycle have names, which vary slightly from region to region. Among some Oromo communities, the sets of five Gadaa names used by the sons are different from those of the fathers. Whereas among other communities, the same set of Gadaa names is used for both fathers and sons.

Luba: The Gadaa society was structured into peer groups based on chronological age or genealogical generation called Luba.

Each luba consists of all of the sons in another particular class. The entire grade progresses through eleven different grades, each based on an eight-year cycle, and each with its own set of rights and responsibilities.^[20]

Gadaa Grades
	Daballe	Junior Gaammee	Foollee	Kuusaa	Raabaa Doorii	Gadaa	Yuuba I	Yuuba II & III	Gadaamoojjii	Jaarsa
Age	0-8	9-16	17-24	25-32	33-40	41-48	49-56	57-64 & 65-72	73-80	>80
Characters	No responsibility	Student	Military trainee	Military	Warrior	Leader	Advisor	Repositories of law	Conducts Rites	No responsibility

The grade passes from one stage of development to the next every eight years.

Baallii:

Baallii is a process of transferring power from one Gadaa party to the next.

Gadaa Party (Gogeessa Gadaa)

There are five Gadaa parties known as shanan Gadaa Oromoo. These parties follow the five world views of the Oromo people. The five Gadaa parties orderly come to power. A party come to power once every forty years. Hence, there would not be direct competition among the five Gadaa parties, rather the competition would be among individuals within a party. The five Gadaa parties have different names among Borana, Maccaa-Tuulama, Arsii, Gujii and Ituu-Humbannaa.

Gadaa Parties
Boorana	Maccaa-Tuulama	Dibbeessa	Gujii	Ituu-Humbannaa
Meelba / Harmufaa	Birmajii	Birmajii	Harmufa	Horata
Muudana / Roobalee	Michilee / Muudana	Roobalee	Roobalee	Dibbaaqa
Kiilolee / Birmajii	Duuloo / Halchiisa	Bahara	Muudana
Biifolee / Muldhata	Meelbaa / Hambissaa	Horata	Halchiisa	Fadata
Michilee / Duuloo	Roobalee	Daraara

A number of scholars have studied Gadaa System. Legesse^[24] has written that Gadaa is “one of the most astonishing and instructive turns the evolution of human society has taken”. In addition to his Harvard Ph.D. dissertation, Legesse has published a book^[25] positioning Gadaa as an African democracy that could inform constitutional thinkers. The late Donald Levine has said^[26] that Gadaa is “one of the most complex systems of the social organization ever devised by the human imagination”. For Jalata, Gadaa represents “the totality of Oromo civilization”.

Primarily, the Gadaa system is an ancient philosophy of socio-political system that is responsible for regulating Political stability, Economic growth, social services, Cultural commitments, Ethical contract the of the religious order of the Oromo society, and the practice of Gadaa Democracy that requires equal participation of both male and female. Still academically debatable as Oromo women have no influences throughout the age of Gadaa decree or clan leadership structure but the wife of designated Abbaa Gadaa is equitably treated like the Abbaa Gadaa himself.^[27] Siinqee feminists represent women in the gadaa system.^[28]

Considering the symbolic significance of Gadaa for the Oromo, as well as its structural innovations, researchers in law, indigenous studies, and pan-Africanism are exploring how the system could be utilized in the 21st century. For example, a thesis by Z. Sirna^[29] entitled “Ethiopia: When the Gadaa Democracy Rules in a Federal State” explores how the system could be integrated with the contemporary federal structure of Ethiopia, serving as a governance mechanism for the Oromia Regional National State. Sirna has analyzed the Gadaa system in relation to deliberative forms of political participation used in Western contexts. He concludes that the Gadaa systems’ technique of ‘consensus through dialogue’ is unique but firmly rooted in Western democratic norms, and thus well suited to adoption within Ethiopia’s federally structured democracy.^[30] A political party known as GSAP (Gadaa System Advancement Party) bases its ideology on the principles of Gadaa. A futuristic, governance 2.0 project called BitGadaa^[31] draws inspiration from the principles and structure of Gadaa.

In summary, the Gadaa System, as an indigenous institution of democratic self-governance, has significantly motivated the foregoing and ongoing struggle of the Oromo people. Also, the Gada system is an ancient and complex form of African democracy which is traditionally based on generation sets that alternate power every eight years. One full Gada cycle lasts 40 years. Gada is a uniquely democratic political as well as a social institution that governs the life of individuals in Oromo society from birth to death.

Even when it was banned and rendered practically noninfluential, I have argued, it has been carrying (and carried by) the Oromo struggle, symbolically and materially. At the same time, the system’s vigorous comeback was an outcome of a persistent and relentless struggle by the Oromo people. What the Gadaa System holds for the future and what the future holds for the Gadaa System will likely be determined by the continued struggle moving forward. What is at stake is the conversion of the symbolic recognition on the international stage to a material relevance in the governance realms of the modern polity.

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Notes

[1] Source: https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/gada-system-an-indigenous-democratic-socio-political-system-of-the-oromo-01164

[2] According to the Ethiopian Constitution, Ethiopia is a country of nations, nationalities, and peoples (FDRE 1995).

[3] Asmaraw Legesse is an Emeritus Professor at Harvard University. He was awarded an honorary doctorate degree by Addis Ababa University in 2018 for his magnificent contribution to the study of the Gadaa system. This news is available at: http://www.aau.edu.et/blog/aau-confers-honorary-degree-up-on-professor-asmerom-legesse/

[4] This grade exceptionally lasts for 13 years, disaggregated into Raaba Didiqqaa of age 32-40 and Doorii of age 40-45 (Legesse 2000, p. 123).

[5] I have rewritten the Oromo names for the classification according to the linguistic principle of Qubee Afaan Oromoo. I made the necessary corrections to spelling even when I use direct quotations.

References

Bulcha, M. (2016). Contours of the emergent & ancient Oromo nation: Dilemmas in the Ethiopian politics of state and nation-building. Mälardalen: Mälardalen University, School of Sustainable Development of Society and Technology.

Jalata, Asafa (2012). Gadaa (Oromo Democracy): An Example of Classical African Civilization. Sociology Publications and Other Works. Available at: http://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_socopubs/80.

Kumsa, Kuwee (1997). The Siiqqee Institution of Oromo Women. The Journal of Oromo Studies, 4 (1 & 2): 115-152.

Legesse, A. (2000). Oromo Democracy: An Indigenous African Political System. Trenton, NJ: Red Sea Press.

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